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Parthian Writing and Literature , by Mary Boyce, from Cambridge History of Iran, Volume 3(2) 
(Cambridge, 1983), E. Yarshater, editor, chapter 31, pp. 1151-1165, with the book's general 
bibliography and the chapter's bibliography, in 27 indexed pdf pages. 



No Parthian literature survives from the Parthian period in its original 
form. The only works of any length which exist in the Parthian 
language were composed under Sasanian rule. For the literature of 
older times we are dependent on Middle Persian redactions, or even 
on Persian and Georgian versions of these, to give at second or third 
remove some impression of the nature and scope of what has been lost. 

One reason for the scale of the loss is presumably that Parthian 
literature, both religious and secular, was oral, composed and trans- 
mitted without the use of books. The Parthians had, however, their 
own distinctive system of writing, attested from the beginning of the 
1 st century b.c., a development evidently of the chancellery script of 
the Achaemenians. This script was in origin Aramaic, and had been 
used under the Achaemenians to write Imperial Aramaic, the adminis- 
trative language of their empire. Under the less firmly unified rule of 
the Seleucids and Parthians a number of regional forms of this script 
developed, of which five have been identified, namely that of the 
Parthians themselves, that of the Persians in the south-west (which 
came to be called Pahlavi), that of Median Azarbaijan in the north-west 
(attested by the solitary gravestone at Armazi) and those of the 
Khwarazmians and Sogdians in the north-east . 1 All these regional 
• scripts show the same development, namely that they were used to 
write, not Imperial Aramaic, but instead the various local Iranian 
languages, with a number of fossilized Aramaic words serving as 
ideograms. This development took place slowly, with a gradual use 
of more and more Iranian words, so that Aramaic with Iranian elements 
imperceptibly changed into Iranian with Aramaic ones. This change 
perhaps originated in the Parthian chancellery, and was imitated 
regionally, each area developing independently not only a characteristic 
style of writing, but also a distinctive stock of Aramaic words used 
ideographically. There evolved also gradually, for greater clarity, a 
general use of Iranian inflections with these ideograms, to indicate 

1 These scripts are treated extensively, with full references down to 1958, by Henning 
“Mitteliranisch” pp. 21 ff, 30-40. 



their syntactic function. This system developed fully only in Pahlavi, 
which had a longer history than any of the other scripts. 

To learn to write the Middle Iranian languages by these ideogram- 
matic systems must have needed much application, and the skill was 
probably left in the main to the professional scribe, who used it, as 
far as is known, only for practical ends. The oldest surviving examples 
of his work are from the Parthian city of Nisa (now within Soviet 
territory, on the southern border of Turkmenistan). 1 Excavations 
here have produced almost three thousand ostraca, most of them con- 
cerned with the delivery of wine from local vineyards, the issue of food 
to the officials concerned, inventory lists, registers etc. The contents 
of these ostraca are thus restricted and monotonous. Nevertheless they 
yield a number of Parthian common nouns and proper names, some of 
the latter decidedly Zoroastrian in character, which accords with the 
fact that this Nisa material provides the oldest evidence which there is 
for the use of the Zoroastrian calendar. Some twenty of the ostraca 
bear month and day names from this calendar, and a valuable few have 
also the year, reckoned evidently according to the Arsacid era. The 
ostraca belong to a period from c. ioo to 29 b.c., and most, it seems, 
to between 77 and 66 b.c. The Iranian element in the vocabulary was 
still small at this stage. 2 

The use of the Parthian language and script is next attested at a place 
far removed from Nisa, namely the village of Avroman in the south- 
west of Iran. 3 Here were found in a sealed jar inside a cave three 
parchments, each relating to the sale of the same piece of property, 
namely half a vineyard. The two older documents are in Greek, and 
dated, by the Seleucid era, to 88/87 an <3 22/21 b . c . 4 The third, which is 
the worst-preserved, is in Parthian script and language (although still 
with a very high proportion of Aramaic ideograms), 5 and is dated by 
the Arsacid era to the middle of the 1st century a.d . 6 There are only 

1 See the bibliography for the various publications of Diakonov and Livshits. The whole 
material has not yet been published. 

2 This has led Vinnikov and Sznycer (see bibliography) to argue that the language of the 
ostraca is still Aramaic with Parthian words in it, rather than Parthian with Aramaic 
ideograms; but Diakonov and Livshits maintain that this interpretation cannot be upheld 
if the whole material is considered, and not merely selected pieces. 

3 On the exact location see Edmonds, “The Place-names of the Avroman Parchments”. 

4 See Minns, “Parchments of the Parthian Period”. 

6 See Nyberg, “The Pahlavi Documents”; Herzfeld, Paikuli 1, 83; Henning, “Mittel- 
iranisch”, pp. 28-30. 

6 See Henning, p. 29. Henning dated the document precisely to between 7 Jan. and 
5 Feb. a.d. 53; but this exact calculation was based on the assumption that the Arsacid 
calendar had a solar year of 365 days, which does not appear to have been the case; see 
M. Boyce, “On the Calendar of Zoroastrian Feasts”, BSOAS xxxm (1970), 5 1 5 flf. 



eight lines of text, partly filled by the date and witnesses’ names. There 
is also a barely legible Parthian endorsement on the back of one of the 
Greek documents. 

At about this same time there appeared legends in Parthian script 
on Arsacid coins, of which the oldest have been assigned to the first 
part of the reign of Vologeses I (a.d. 5 1-8). 1 These are as brief as 
possible, i.e. wl for ivlgsy^ the king’s name. Longer legends are found 
in the next century, notably y rsk wlgsy MLKYN MLK ’ “Arsaces 
Vologeses, king of kings”, 2 found on copper coins assigned to Volo- 
geses III ( c . a.d. 148-92). These same words occur on a little stone 
plaque of unknown provenance, which bears a fine portrait-bust, 
presumably of this king. 3 In the vassal kingdom of Elymais (in south- 
east Khuzistan) a coinage was issued in the 1st and 2nd centuries a.d., 
of which the larger tetradrachms bore Aramaic legends, but the smaller 
copper coins had ones in what appears to be Parthian script. 4 Some 
half a dozen gem-stones also exist with Parthian lettering on them, 
probably to be attributed to the last centuries of Parthian rule, or even 
a few decades later. 5 

A number of rock-carvings of the Parthian period have been found 
in Khuzistan, in which figure-sculptures are accompanied by brief 
identifying inscriptions in the local type of Aramaic language and 
.script; 6 but very little rock-carving survives from the Parthian period 
with Parthian inscriptions. The oldest known Arsacid sculpture, that 
of Mithradates II (123-87 b.c.) at Blsutun, is accompanied by a short 
Greek inscription, &s is another beside it portraying Gotarzes II 
(a.d. 40-1, 43-51). 7 At Sarpul in the Zagros mountains, however, a 
carving of a horseman and a man on foot is accompanied by a few 
badly preserved lines in Parthian identifying them; 8 and at Susa a 
tomb-stele has been discovered, whose six-line inscription declares 
that it was set up by Ardavan V in a.d. 215 for his satrap there. 9 

In the frontier town of Dura a small quantity of Parthian material 

1 See Wroth, BMC Partbia , pi. xvm (16), xxix (i); Henning, “Mitteliranisch”, p. 40. 

2 Wroth, pi. xxxv (3-6). 3 See Ghirshman, Iran , p. 280 and pi. 33a. 

4 See Henning, “Tang-i Sarvak”, pp. 163-6, with references. 

6 For references and discussion see Bivar, “A Parthian Amulet”, pp. 5 1 afT. 

6 See Henning, loc. cit.; W. Hinz, “Zwei parthische Felsreliefs”; Bivar and Shaked, 

“The Inscriptions of Shimbar”. 

7 See Herzfeld, Archaeological History of Iran , pp. 54-7. [Cf. pp. 43 ff on Gotarzes. J 

8 See Herzfeld, Am Tor von Asien , pi. xxv, and Paikuli 1, 66, 84; Henning, “Mittel- 
iranisch”, p. 41, who hazards that the figures may represent Mithradates IV, overthrown 
by Vologeses II (or III?); Gropp, “Die sasanidische Inschrift von Mishkinshahr”. 

9 See Ghirshman, “Un Bas-relief d’Artaban V”; Henning, “Tang-i Sarvak”, p. 176, 
and “Mitteliranisch”, p. 41. 

1 1 5 3 


has been found, notably a scrap of fine parchment bearing the formal 
opening of a business letter, written probably about the mid 3rd century 
a.d. 1 This letter is of especial interest, because its formulas of greeting 
can be traced back to Aramaic usages employed under the Achaemenians 
in the 5 th century b.c. - an admirable testimony to Parthian scribal 
conservatism. 2 There are also a few Parthian ostraca from Dura. Two 
of these are well preserved and contain lists of names, possibly pay- 
lists. 3 On the walls of some buildings there are Parthian graffiti, mostly 
no more than a single line. Of two in the Temple of Zeus Megistos 4 
one contains a date in the Seleucid or Babylonian era, corresponding 
accordingly to a.d. 2 1 1 or 2 1 2. 5 Others are to be found in the Synagogue, 
and one in the House of Frescoes. 6 

Apart from one or two inscriptions on small objects, 7 this is the 
pathetic total of written Parthian from the Parthian period; but such 
as it is, it establishes the origin and character of the Parthian system of 
writing, and indicates the range of its uses. It also shows that the 
Parthian scribes, inheriting their craft from Achaemenian predecessors, 
remained uninfluenced by the use of written Greek in Seleucid Iran, 
which continued in Bactria and the Greek cities of Parthia itself. 
Doubtless a number of Parthian scribes mastered the Greek language 
and script; but the two systems evidently existed side by side with little 
effect on one another (except in some minor technical points). 

The same thing appears true of literature. Greek literature was 
undoubtedly to some extent known and even cultivated by the Par- 
thians ; but it does not appear to have influenced their own traditional 
types of composition. These existed evidently without benefit of 
writing, and therefore independently of the scribes. In such oral 
traditions the author is also necessarily a transmitter, who is required 
both to study his craft and to commit to memory a great quantity of 
subject-matter, so that the knowledge and achievements of previous 
generations are not forgotten. The need to spend much time in learning 
acts as one of several stabilizing factors, and an oral literature often has 

1 See Henning, “Three Iranian Fragments ”, pp. 41 4-1 5 ; Harmatta, “The Parthian Parch- 
ment from Dura-Europos 

2 See Henning, review of Altheim and Stiehl, p. 478 with n. 1 ; this letter is reproduced, 
with all the other Parthian written material from Dura, by R. N. Frye in CHr (see biblio- 

3 See Henning, op. cit ., p. 478 (= ostraca 4 and 5). 

4 See Henning, “Mitteliranisch”, pp. 41-2. 

5 See Geiger, “The Middle Iranian Texts”, pp. 314-17. 

6 Frye in C/ 7 r, no. 20. 7 See, e.g., Herzfeld, Paikuli , 11, 193a. 



a unity over a long period, which is not necessarily broken by such 
minor barriers of speech as exist within a single family of languages. 
This seems true of pre-Muslim Iran, where a broad stream of literature 
appears to flow from Median and “Avestan” times down through the 
Seleucid and Parthian periods and on into the Sasanian one, to be 
weakened then by new conventions attaching to a developing written 
literature, disappearing finally in the early centuries of Islam. 

The secular literature of Parthia appears to have been almost 
wholly in verse, sung, and accompanied by a musical instrument. It 
was cultivated professionally by the gosan , who gave his name to the 
Armenian gusan and the Georgian mgosanni . The word occurs also in 
Mandaean and survives in Persian, a tribute to the popularity and 
influence of the Parthian minstrel-poet . 1 Nothing is known directly 
of the training of the gosans, but from their skill and achievements 
one can deduce that it was rigorous. As for their role in society, “the 
cumulative evidence suggests that the gosan played a considerable 
part in the life of the Parthians . . . entertainer of king and commoner, 
privileged at court and popular with the people ; present at the grave- 
side and at the feast; eulogist, satirist, story-teller, musician; recorder 
of past achievements, and commentator of his own times ... As poet- 
musicians . . . the gosans presumably enjoyed reputation and esteem 
in proportion to their individual talents. Some were evidently the 
laureates of their age, performing alone before kings ; others provided 
together choir or orchestra at court or great man’s table ; and yet others, 
it is plain, won a humble livelihood and local fame among peasants 
and in public places .” 2 

Although much information can be gleaned about the gosans, 
especially from Armenian sources, pathetically little survives of their 
art. It is evident, however, that they played a major part in transmitting 
the tales of the Kayanians, the pagan ancestors of Zoroaster’s patron 
Vistaspa, whose deeds are commemorated to the sixth generation 
(stretching back into a remote prehistoric time which had the charac- 
teristics of a true “heroic age”). Piety among Parthian princes and 
nobles, and perhaps claims by some of them to Kayanian descent, led 
evidently to these tales being sung still under their patronage by the 
gosan (characterized as one “who proclaims the worthiness of kings 

1 See Boyce, “The Parthian Gosan ”, pp. 10-19; an d further on the word gosan > A. 
Tafazzoli, Rahnemd-ye ketab xi. 7 (Tehran, Oct. 1968), pp. 410-11. 

2 Boyce, “The Parthian Gosan'\ pp. 17-18. 

1 1 5 5 


and heroes of old”). 1 Epic poetry was, moreover, still actively culti- 
vated under the Parthians, with the deeds of living men being cele- 
brated in the old heroic convention (which indeed lingered on, though 
weakening, through the Sasanian period, as the Shah-nama attests). 
The existence of a feudal society, whose leaders took an active part in 
battles, gave ample opportunity for heroic action; and the Parthian 
barons in their castles, the di^bads, must have provided generous 
patronage for contemporary as well as for traditional themes. At some 
stage, when these Parthian stories had in their turn been handed down 
for generations - presumably, that is, in the later Sasanian period - the 
different traditions became confused, and minstrels celebrated the deeds 
of Parthian princes at the courts of Kayanian kings. 2 It has been 
suggested that this was deliberately done at the instigation of scions 
of the great Parthian houses, to enhance their prestige under the 
Sasanians; 3 but the manner in which it occurs suggests rather that the 
process was unconscious. Had the incorporation been deliberate, one 
would expect it to have been achieved with some circumstance and 
care. As it is, a group of Parthians, by no means evenly representing the 
“great houses”, 4 appears with dream-like abruptness at the court of 
Kai Kaus; they remain, actively participating or providing a back- 
ground of council, throughout the reigns of the succeeding Kayanians, 
and although most meet their deaths in fit heroic manner, one of the 
most glorious of them, Godarz, is not even formally dispatched, but 
fades unmarked from the scene. This strongly suggests, not a deliberate 
or politic grafting, but one of the simplifications characteristic of the 
later stages of a long oral tradition. 5 In consequence of this process, 
when, probably in the 5 th century a.d., the Sasanian priests drew on 
Parthian epic poetry for material for their great chronicle, the Xwaday- 
namag or “Book of Kings”, they unwittingly adopted Parthian 
traditions together with Kayanian ones, and so Godarz, Gev and 
Bezan, Milad and Farhad entered the Persian annals, unrecognized as 
Arsacids. 6 

1 See ibid. p. 11 ; and cf. Boyce, “Zariadres and Zarer”, pp. 475-6. 

2 See Rawlinson, “Notes on a March”; Noldeke, Persische Studien , n, 29-34, and Das 
iranische Nationalepos, pp. 7-9; Markwart, “Beitrage”; Erdnsahr , pp. 72, 74, and “Iberer 
und Hyrkaner”, pp. 78-113. 

8 See Noldeke, Persische Studien ; Christensen, Les Kayanides , p. 128; Herzfeld, Am Tor 
von Asien , p. 47, and “Die iranische Heldensage, p. 113. 

4 See Coyajee, “The House of Gotarzes”, pp. 222-3. 

5 Boyce, “Kayanian Heroic Cycle”, pp. 49-50. 

6 Representing older Parthian Gotarzjes], Wew, Wezan, Mihrdatjes] and Frahat 
[Phraates]. The Kayanian tradition is also partially preserved, but without such con- 
taminations, in the Avestan priest and minstrel poet uniting in this respect to keep 
alive the memory of Vistaspa’s ancestors. [Cf. pp. 39off and 457!!.] 



Another cycle which came to be closely interwoven with the Kayanian 
one was that of the Saka Rustam, so that tales of this pagan hero were 
also preserved in the Xwaday-namag. The blending of Kayanian and 
Saka stories may well again be due to intermarriage, this time of 
Zoroastrian Parthian with invading Saka, leading to the cultivation 
of both epics by minstrels of united houses. 1 An independent fragment 
of the Rustam cycle is preserved in Sogdian of the Sasanian period. 2 

Parthian heroic poems are thus mainly known through Persian and 
Arabic redactions of the lost Middle Persian Xwaday-namag , and not- 
ably through Firdausi’s Shah-nama , which in style probably owes 
something directly to the old Iranian epic tradition, doubtless not 
yet wholly lost in the Khurasan of his day. Only one short, mutilated 
fragment of the Kayanian epic survives in independent form, namely 
the Ayadgar i Zareran . This is a celebration of a great battle in the 
holy wars of Zoroastrianism, composed in Middle Persian but probably 
not written down until as late as the 9th century a.d. The fragment is 
in one of the unrhymed, slightly irregular stress-metres which charac- 
terize all Iranian poetry before the Arab conquest; 3 and that there was 
once an older Parthian version is shown by Parthian words and 
phrases occurring in the Middle Persian text. (The two languages are 
close enough for such borrowings to remain as inconspicuous as are 
the dialect traces in the Homeric poems, or Anglian forms in the West 
Saxon of Beowulf.) The exploits of the Zoroastrian hero Zarer were 
presumably first celebrated in the Avestan tongue, and passed thence 
into Parthian and in due course to the minstrels of Persia. (It seems 
likely that the Kayanian epic was known at least to some extent in 
Achaemenian Persia; but the evidence suggests that the heroic legends 
of this house were either not known in the south-west under the early 
Sasanians, or at least were not so well known there at that time as in 
Parthia.) 4 

Although the Ayadgar t Zareran must have been written down finally 
by a priest, it is wholly secular and heroic in spirit; and in style is 

1 On the similarities between the adventures of Rustam and the Kayanian Spendiyar 
see Spiegel, Er anise he Alterthumskunde , i, 714#, and “Awesta und Shahname ”, p. 201; 
Noldeke, Das iranische National epos, pp. 47ff. 

2 See E. Yarshater, “ Rustam dar Zaban-i Sughdl”; Sims-Williams, “Sogdian fragments ”, 
pp. 54-61. Tales of Rustam are told by the Armenian Moses of Khoren which are not to 
be found in the Shah-nama ; see Noldeke, Das iranische Nationalepos , p. 12. These too were 
presumably transmitted by the Parthian gosan. 

8 The metrical character of the text was established by E. Benveniste, “ Le Memorial de 
Zarer”. On the stress-metres of pre-Islamic Iran see Henning, “The Disintegration of the 
Avestic Studies”. 4 See Boyce, “The Parthian Gosan”, p. 12, n 2. 

IX 57 


characterized by the fixed epithets, hyperboles and deliberate repetitions 
of oral epic. The poem has clearly lost some of its fire in being recorded, 
and the written text has suffered corruptions subsequently; but despite 
this, and the attrition of an immensely long oral transmission (probably 
over some 2,500 years), 1 there is still nobility of spirit and expression 
left, with worthy celebration of honour, courage, and a warrior’s 
pride and skill. 

In the Ayadgar the young prince Bastwar extemporizes a short and 
moving lament on the battlefield over his father’s body. There are a 
number of other indications that in ancient Iran poetry was commonly 
improvised by persons of rank to express their emotions, of grief or 
joy, despair or love. For example, in the Shah-nama Isfandiyar on his 
Fourth Course, resting in the wilderness by a spring, takes his guitar 
and sings a lament for his hard lot, condemned ever to wander and to 
fight. His singing attracts the witch whom he must overcome, and it 
is likely, therefore, that the account of it is as old as the story. The 
incident is closely reproduced in the Fourth Course of Rustam. Joyous 
improvization is mentioned at the birth of Rustam himself, when all 
Sam’s entourage “drank to the sound of the lyre, each joyfully uttered 
songs”. 2 As well as this poetry for self-expression, minstrelsy for the 
delight or encouragement of others was widely cultivated by women. 
Singing girls are mentioned as commonly as dancers, and both accom- 
panied the Parthian armies to war. 3 Women’s minstrelsy is often 
mentioned for the Sasanian period in the Shah-nama . 

Although the heroic element still persisted in Parthian literature, 
there was evidently also some softening of tastes, at least towards the 
end of the period; for the romance of Vis u Ramin , which survives in 
Persian and Georgian versions, has been convincingly derived from a 
Parthian original, once more through the medium of a Middle Persian 
redaction. 4 The Parthian poem, thought to have been composed in 
the 1 st century a.d., is concerned with Ramin (possibly a scion of the 
house of Godarz) and his unfading passion for his brother’s wife Vis, 
and hers for him. This romance, known in the west since 1864, has 
often been compared with that of Tristan and Isolde; but the undeni- 

1 The long war against the Xyons is reduced to a single episode in the Ayadgar ; see 
Noldeke, op. cit ., 6. This abbreviation evidently took place during the centuries in which 
the story was transmitted orally after the compilation of the Xwaday-ndmag. 

2 See Boyce, “The Parthian Gosan y \ p. 28, with references. 

8 Plutarch, Crassus , §32; see G. Rawlinson, The Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy (London, 
1873), p.409. 

4 See Minorsky, “Vis u Ramin Henning, “Tang-i Sarvak”, p. 178, n 2. 



able likeness is presumably accidental, since “human fantasy ... is not 
unlimited as regards situations in a three-cornered love ”. 1 Since 
Vis u ^Lamin survives only in derivative versions, it is impossible to 
judge the style of the original. The story is told at length, with many 
episodes and embroideries. Repetitiveness of incident, and wearisome 
prolongation of dialogue (once to five hundred verses) may well have 
developed in the course of transmission, for it seems that even the 
Middle Persian version was not fixed in writing until after the coming 
of Islam. Emotions are intensely depicted, but character and motives 
only superficially drawn; and the poem differs fundamentally from the 
older epic in its subordination of action to feeling. Battle and hunt, 
though still described, have receded into the background, and the 
story pursues its way in the enclosed atmosphere of court and castle, 
garden and moonlit orchard, dealing in magic and subterfuge, faith 
and faithlessness, like any medieval French romance. 

In Vis u Kamin Zoroastrianism is a natural part of the fabric of life , 2 
as is the Christian faith in the tales of western chivalry. As for the 
religious literature proper of Parthia, evidence is again regrettably 
scant. No part of the Avesta itself can be dated with certainty; but 
internal evidence suggests that the two latest of its extant books, the 
Videvdad ( Vendidad ) and Nirangestan , were compiled, partly from 
older material, during the Parthian period. In these works the Graeco- 
Roman system of measures is used, “presumably introduced into 
Persia by the Macedonian conquerors ”. 3 By this time Avestan is 
generally supposed to have become a dead church-language, and both 
works show a breakdown in its old inflectional system, although their 
usages are consistent enough to be perhaps compatible with an actual 
development of the language still at this time. In what part of the land 
their compilation took place is unknown. One Pahlav! text tells how 
Zoroastrian holy texts were transmitted orally in Sagistan (Sistan) after 
Alexander’s conquest . 4 Zoroastrian tradition ascribes to “the Arsacid 
Valaxs” (one of the three Vologeses) measures for preserving the 
Avesta and its %and (i.e. the commentary of the holy texts ); 6 and it is 

1 Minorsky, “Vis u Ramin (III)”, p. 92. 

2 See H. Masse in the introduction to his French translation, pp. 12-1 3 ; and the remarks 
of von Stackelberg in Minorsky “Vis u Ramin (II)”, p. 33, together with Minorsky’s 
own observations, ibid. p. 22 with n. 1. 

3 See Henning, “An Astronomical Chapter of the Bundahishn”, JRAS 1942, pp. 235ff. 

4 Jamasp-Asana (ed.), Pablavi Texts 11, 25-6. 

6 Denkard, ed. D. M. Madan, p. 412, 11 . 5-11 ; tr. Zachner, Zurvan , p. 8 . 



possible that this involved the first writing down of the Avesta, in 
Parthian script. What Valaxs seems more likely to have achieved was 
simply the bringing together of the best oral traditions, and the 
establishing of an oral canon at diverse centres of priestly learning. 

As well as the canonical Avestan texts, there was evidently a zand 
in Avestan, and also presumably one in contemporary Parthian, some 
of which may survive in translation in the existing Middle Persian zand. 
Some of this is demonstrably pre-Sasanian, but whether such passages 
are of earlier Middle Persian or of Parthian origin cannot be determined. 

The priestly schools of the Parthian period evidently concerned 
themselves not only with the Avesta and its exposition, but also with 
antiquarian learning in general, and with wisdom-literature. Part of 
the gnomic sixth book of the Pahlavi Denkard appears to have an 
Avestan origin in the lost Baris Nask, and must therefore have been 
transmitted through the Parthian period. Only one solitary piece of 
wisdom-literature survives, however, which has demonstrably a 
Parthian predecessor, and that is the Draxt asurlg “The Babylonian 
Tree ”, a Middle Persian verse-text with a few Parthian words remaining 
to show its ancestry . 1 The poem is about a contest over precedence 
between a date-palm and a goat ; and though short it is difficult, with 
an unusual vocabulary and a riddling element. As well as being a 
contest work, this is also incidentally a catalogue poem, listing the 
qualities of tree and animal. It belongs, therefore, to wisdom-literature, 
being intended both to sharpen the wits and to give instruction . 2 
The Madiyan i Yoist i Frjan is another riddling contest, this time between 
the pious Yoist and the wicked Axt. It exists now only in Middle 
Persian, but the names of the contesters occur in the Avesta, and the 
work must have a long history. 

Middle Persian specimens of mantic and prophetic literature, such 
as the Arda- Vira^-namag^ the Zand i Vahman Yast and the Jamasp- 
namagi all appear to derive from Avestan tradition; and the evident 
continuity of the Zoroastrian literature suggests that there must once 
have been Parthian versions of many of the texts which have come down 
to us in the Pahlavi books, in particular of those texts which belong 
to well-established categories of oral literature . 3 

1 This was the first poem to be recognized in the Pahlavi MSS; see Benveniste, “ Draxt 
Asurik'\ and further literature in bibliography to chapter 32(0), p. 1389. 

2 Boyce, “Middle Persian Literature”, p. 55. 

3 An attempt has been made to define these categories as they are exemplified in the 
Zoroastrian literature; see ibid. pp. 31-3, 40-1, 48ff. 



There must, moreover, have been other Iranian traditions, in addition 
to the Persian one, flourishing within the broad Parthian realms, with 
local schools of priestly learning and of minstrelsy. The gravestone at 
Armazi, the old capital of Iberia, shows that Median Azarbaljan had 
its own form of ideogrammatic writing, 1 and this indicates a thriving 
culture in the ancient land of the Magi. The fact that under the Sasanians 
the holy places of Zoroastrianism were located, unhistorically, in 
Azarbaljan suggests the strength of priestly power in this region. Of 
Median minstrelsy, attested of old by classical authors, there appears 
to be only one solitary remnant, namely the story of Zariadres and 
Odatis, recorded first by Chares of Myteline, and attached eventually, 
it seems, in a degenerate form to the Kayanian cycle and the Zoroastrian 
Zarer. 2 This association was probably made in the Sasanian period, 
when diverse materials were gathered together for the enrichment of 
the Xivaday-namag. The predominant interest in the Zoroastrian north- 
east seems to have led, however, to the old Persian minstrel traditions 
themselves being ignored in Sasanian Pars ; and the only trace of them 
survives in the independent Karnamag l Ardasir , where the early 
adventures of Cyrus the Great appear to have been transferred to the 
founder of the Sasanian dynasty, presumably under the influence of 
popular story-telling, persisting locally throughout the Parthian 
period. 3 

The fact that one of the few surviving texts with demonstrably a 
Parthian predecessor is called the “Babylonian Tree” is a reminder of 
how far Parthian rule reached to the west. In the apocryphal Acts of 
St Thomas (who is called, in one tradition, the “Apostle of Parthia”) is 
to be found the beautiful “ Hymn of the Pearl ” or “ Hymn of the Soul 
This Syriac poem not only contains Parthian loan-words, but uses 
symbolism drawn from the circumstances of the Parthian empire, 
which in it represents the Kingdom of Heaven. God appears as the 
“King of kings”, dwelling in “Warkan” (Hyrcania), and surrounded 
by satraps, his treasury enriched by “chalcedonies of India and opals 
of the realm of Kushan” (v. 7). 4 At his summons come “the kings and 
chieftains of Parthia, and all the great ones of the East” (v. 38). The 
king sends his young son down to the wicked land of Egypt, there 

1 See Henning, “Mitteliranisch”, pp. 38-40. 

2 See Boyce, “Zariadres and Zarer”, pp. 463-77. 

3 See A. von Gutschmid, review of Noldeke’s translation of the Karnamag i Ardaiir 
ZDMG xxxiv (1880), 585-7 (= his Kleine Schriften in (Leipzig, 1894), 133ft). 

4 Cited according to Bornkamm, “The Acts of Thomas”, pp. 498-504. 


to recover a lost pearl (i.e. the soul), and bring it back to Warkan. It 
has been argued that the origin of this poem should be sought in a 
pre-Christian Iranian gnosticism; 1 but what appears a stronger case 
has been made for its being a product of the Jewish-Christian com- 
munity of Edessa, 2 which had Parthia for its mighty neighbour. The 
Parthian matter in the poem thus appears merely as the setting and 
outward trappings for the allegory. No precise date has been estab- 
lished for the work, but it must have been composed before the fall 
of the Arsacids. 

The “Hymn of the Pearl” was evidently known to the prophet 
Mani (a.d. 216-74?), who appears to have applied its symbolism in 
part to himself. 3 Mani, a Parthian of noble birth, was born under the 
rule of the last of the Arsacids; 4 but he grew up in Babylon, in the 
extreme west of their domains, and his cultural background was 
accordingly largely Semitic. Those of his own writings which form 
the canon of Manichaean scriptures were all in Aramaic; 5 but he 
encouraged their translation into other languages, and himself chose 
among his missionaries Parthians who knew their own language and 
script, to carry his teachings to the north-east of Iran. 6 His religion 
was established in Parthia before the end of the 3rd century, and from 
there it later spread eastwards along the caravan routes across Central 
Asia, where Manichaean communities preserved many Parthian texts 
among their holy books, to be recovered in the present century by 
archaeologists. 7 

The Manichaean Parthian texts date accordingly from the latter 
part of the 3rd century a.d. down to perhaps the 10th century or a 
little beyond, and constitute by far the greatest amount of extant 
Parthian literature. These texts are all the more valuable because they 
are written in the clear and elegant “Manichaean” script, akin to 

1 By R. Reitzenstein, followed by G. Widengren and A. Adam (see bibliography). 
On Manichaean parallels with the “Hymn of the Pearl” see, further, A. Henrichs and 
L. Koenen, Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik v (Bonn, 1970), 171-82. 

2 Most recently by G. Quispel, Makarius. 

8 See Bornkamm, “The Acts of Thomas”, pp. 436-7. 

4 See H. Puech, Le Manicheisme (Paris, 1949), ch. 1 ; G. Widengren, Mani and Manichaeism 
(London, 1961), ch. 2. 

6 See G. Haloun and W. B. Henning, “The Doctrines of Mani”, Asia Major in (1952), 

8 See the Middle Persian text M 2, V i - R ii published by Andreas and Henning, 
“ Mitteliranische Manichaica II”, SPAW 1933, pp. 302-3. 

7 For details of the main expeditions see Boyce, A Catalogue of the Iranian Manuscripts in 
Manichean Script (where publication details are given of the individual fragments mentioned 
here). The chief collection of Parthian texts is to be found in Andreas and Henning, 
“Mitteliranische Manichaica III”. 



Syriac Estrangelo, which was generally used by Man! and his followers. 
This form of writing gives a very fair idea of the sounds and syntax of 
Parthian in the 3rd century. Unfortunately very little of the Central 
Asian material is well preserved, and in the main it consists of single 
sheets and fragments of sheets. These yield passages of Parthian 
versions of a number of Manx’s own works, including his two long 
psalms. 1 The awkwardness of the prose texts (with anacoluthons and 
other clumsy constructions) is found also in the Middle Persian versions, 
which suggests that Middle Iranian prose had not evolved far enough 
by the 3rd century a.d. to be an adequate tool for theological exposition. 
(A recently discovered codex containing elegant Greek versions of 
some of Manf s own words suggests that the stylistic difficulties do 
not lie in the Aramaic originals.) 2 Part of a long Parthian letter survives 
from the late 3rd century, 3 whose fairly brief sentences and occasional 
difficulties of syntax bear out the impression given by the style of the 

The best period for Parthian prose appears to be approximately the 
4th to 6th century. The use of Indian loan-words (due, it seems, to 
contact with Buddhists) helps to date these texts. Among them is an 
account of Manx’s death, 4 which provides an interesting contrast with 
an earlier Middle Persian one representing probably an eye-witness ’s 
report. In the Parthian text, where the aim is not merely narrative, but 
also the evoking of emotion, the stylistic difference is striking. The 
syntax is varied, the vocabulary richer, and imagery effectively used. 5 
Some of the same imagery appears in a hymn on this theme, composed 
in a.d. 384. It is impossible to prove the dependence of one text upon 
the other; but in general it is likely that prose borrowed for its literary 
development from verse. The discipline of translation must have been 
another potent factor in developing Manichaean prose. 6 

Most of the Manichaean Parthian literature consists in fact of hymns, 
some of which have poetic quality. Formally there are three categories 
of verse-texts: the long verse-cycle, made up of a number of separate 
sections ; the long but undivided chant of praise ; and the short hymn, 
commonly but by no means always abecedarian. 7 In the third category 

1 See Henning in Tsui Chi, “Mo Ni Chiao Hsia Pu Tsan”, BSOAS xi (1943), pp. 216-7. 

2 See Henrichs and Koenen, Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik v, 105. 

8 Boyce, Catalogue , M 5815 II (“ Mitteliranische Manichaica III”, b. 11). 

4 Ibid, M 5569 (“Mitteliranische Manichaica III”, c). 

s Boyce, “The Manichaean Literature in Middle Iranian”, p. 72. 

6 Ibid. ; for the use of the Christian gospels in Parthian and Middle Persian texts see 
Sundermann, “ Christliche Evangelientexte in der Uberlieferung der iranisch-manichaischen 
Literatur”. 7 Ibid. p. 74. 



each verse or line (or, rarely, each significant word) begins with a 
successive letter of the alphabet. This convention belongs wholly to 
a written (in this case Aramaic) tradition. There is also a certain amount 
of Christian and gnostic imagery in the texts in general which is alien 
to Iran (e.g. the sea and fish and fishermen, the pearl, the crucified soul, 
the sleep of unconsciousness). 1 In the main, however, the poetic 
tradition is Iranian (the principles of Old and Middle Iranian versifica- 
tion were in fact deduced from these texts) ; 2 and part of the imagery 
appears traditional also, although the themes are new. 

The latest Parthian texts show a falling off in literary merit, since 
these were evidently composed by Sogdian speakers in Central Asia, 
for whom Parthian was a dead church-language. The style of these 
texts (mostly short hymns and prayers) is accordingly imitative and 
conventional, and the vocabulary limited. 

As well as the Parthian Manichaean material, there survive from the 
Sasanian period a small number of rock-inscriptions in Parthian 
language and script. The most important is the Parthian version of 
Shapur Ps great trilingual inscription on the Ka‘ba-yi Zardust, at 
Naqs-i Rustam. 3 This long text is beautifully preserved, having been 
below ground level for many centuries until its excavation in 1939. 
It is written in good idiomatic Parthian, and a Parthian scribe has set 
his name to it. Through comparison with the Middle Persian version, 
upon which it depends, 4 it provides, therefore, excellent material to 
illustrate the differences between these two closely related languages 
and their systems of writing. The content of the inscription is of the 
greatest historical interest; and it is set out through sober statement 
and enumeration, without literary flourishes, a practical piece of work 
that fittingly crowns the long tradition of the Parthian scribes. 

There is one other long royal inscription in Parthian, namely the 
Parthian version of the bilingual inscription on the monument at 
Paikuli. 5 This was set up to celebrate the proclamation of Narseh, in 

1 For examples see Widengren, Mesopotamian 'Elements in Manichaeism y passim. 

2 See Henning, “The disintegration”. Some of the Turfan texts are written in a con- 
vention that shows how words were divided into syllables for singing: see bibliography, 
the articles of A. Machabey and H. C. Puech. 

3 See M. Sprengling, Third-century Iran (Chicago, 1953), pp. 1-21; W. B. Henning, 
“Notes on the Inscription of Sapur I”, in Prof. Jackson Memorial Volume (Bombay, 1954), 
pp. 40-54, and “The Great Inscription of Sapur I”, BSOS ix (1939), 823-49, and “A 
Farewell to the Khagan”, pp. 510-15. For the works by E. Honigmann, A. Maricq and 
M. Rostovtzeff, see the bibliography for ch. 32 (c). 

4 Against Sprengling’s view that the Parthian version was the original one, see Henning, 
“A Farewell to the Khagan”, pp. 513-15. 

5 See Herzfeld, Paikuli ; Henning, “A Farewell to the Khagan”; and Frye, “Remarks 
on Paikuli”. 



a.d. 293. The inscription is unfortunately badly preserved. Many of 
the great blocks of stone which formed the monument have been 
tumbled out of place, and some of those still in position are damaged. 
The text on a number of the fallen ones remains unpublished. The 
content of this inscription is again factual, the style objective and 
unadorned ; but here in at least one small point the Parthian text seems 
to have been influenced by Middle Persian usage, which suggests the 
steady growth of dominance by the Sasanian scribes. 1 

As well as his great inscription on the Ka‘ba-yi Zardust, Shapur I 
left two other occasional ones of fair length, carved both in Middle 
Persian and Parthian. These are at Hajjlabad 2 and Tang-i Boraq, 3 both 
in the province of Fars. These inscriptions, which are almost identical, 
both celebrate a champion arrow-shot made by the king. 

Some private Parthian inscriptions of the Sasanian epoch have been 
found near Blrjand in southern Khurasan, which lies within the territory 
of Parthia proper. Some ten have been noticed, all short. The character 
of the script suggests that they are not all of the same period, but the 
only ones so far published, although undated, can be assigned to the 
early Sasanian period on the basis of the style of the figure-carving 
which one of them accompanies. 4 In general the evidence suggests 
that the Parthian language and script continued in fairly general use 
in Iran until about the end of the 3rd century a.d., after which the 
script is no longer known, and the use of the language appears restricted 
to the local or the particular. 

1 See Boyce in G. Redard (ed.), Indo-Iranica: Melanges presentes a G. Morgenstierne (Wies- 
baden, 1964), p. 31. 

2 See Herzfeld, Paikuli 1, 87-9; H. S. Nyberg, “Hadjiabad-inskriften” in K. Barr and 
H. Eliekinde (eds.), Ost og West: Afhandlinger tilegnede A. Christensen (Copenhagen, 1945), 
pp. 62-74; Henning, “ Mitteliranisch ”, p. 43n2. 

8 G. Gropp in Hinz, Altiranische Funde und Forschungen, pp. 229-37; D. N. MacKenzie in 
Bivar, review of Hinz, Altiranische Funde und Forschungen , BSOAS xxxm (1970), p. 404. 

4 See Rida’I and Kiya, “Guzaris”; Henning, “A new Parthian Inscription”. 



The abbreviations used in the bibliographies and footnotes are listed below. 

A A Archaologischer An^eiger (Beiblatt zum Jahrbuch des deutschen 

archaologischen Instituts) (Berlin) 

AAWG Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen (Phil. 
Hist. Klasse) (Gottingen) 

AAntASH Acta antiqua academiae scientiarum Hungaricae (Budapest) 
AArchASH Acta archaeologica academiae scientiarum Hungaricae (Budapest) 
AB Analecta Bollandiana (Brussels) 

Acta Iranica Acta Iranica (encyclopedic permanente des etudes iraniennes) 
(T ehran-Liege-Leiden) 

Aevum Aevum (Rassegna di Scienze Sto riche Linguistiche e Filologiche) 

AGWG Abhandlungen der (koniglichen) Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften %u 
Gottingen (Berlin) 

AI Ars Islamica — Ars Orientalis (Ann Arbor, Mich.) 

AION Annali: Istituto Orientale di Napoli (s.l. sezione linguistica; n.s. 
new series) (Naples) 

A JSLL American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literature (Chicago) 

AKM Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgen landes (Leipzig) 

AMI Archao bgiu he M’tteil ungen au\ Iran ( old seres 9 vols 1929-38; 

new series 1968-) (Berlin) 

Anatolia Anatolia (revue annuelle d’archeo'ogie) (Ankara) 

ANS American Numismatic Society 

ANSMN American Numismatic Society Museum Notes (New York) 
ANSNNM American Numismatic Society Numismatic Notes and Mono- 
graphs (New York) 

ANSNS American Numismatic Society Numismatic Studies (New 


Antiquity Antiquity (a periodical review of archaeology edited by Glyn 
Daniel) (Cambridge) 

AO Acta Orientalia (ediderunt Societates Orientales Batava Danica 

Norvegica Svedica) (Copenhagen) 

AO AW An^eiger der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Phil. 

Hist. Klasse) (Vienna) 

AOH Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae (Budapest) 

APAW Abhandlungen der Preussischen ( Deutschen ) Akademie der Wissen- 
schaften (Phil. Hist. Klasse) (Berlin) 

Apollo Apollo (The magazine of the arts) (London) 

ArOr Archiv Orient alni (Quarterly Journal of African, Asian and 

Latin American Studies) (Prague) 

Artibus Artibus Asiae (Institute of Fine Arts, New York University) 
Asiae (Dresden, Ascona) 



Asia Major 

















East and 







Asia Major (a journal devoted to the study of the languages, 
arts and civilizations of the Far East and Central Asia) old 
series, n vols (Leipzig, 1923-35); (a British journal of Far 
Eastern studies) new series, 19 vols (London, 1949-75) 
Archaeological Survey of India. Reports made during the years 1862- 
by Alexander Cunningham, 23 vols. Simla-Calcutta, 1871-87. 
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research (Baltimore, 

Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique (Athens-Paris) 

The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art (Cleveland, Ohio) 
Bulletin de T Ec ole Franfaise d’ Extreme Orient (Hanoi-Paris) 
Berytus (archaeological studies published by the Museum of 
Archaeology and the American University of Beirut) (Copen- 

British Museum Quarterly (London) 

Bulletin of the School of Oriental {and African) Studies (University of 

By^antion (Revue Internationale des Etudes Byzantines) 

The Cambridge Ancient History , 12 vols; 1st edition 1924-39 
(Cambridge) (Revised edition 1970-) 

Caucasica (Zeitschrift fur die Erforschung der Sprachen und 
Kulturen des Kaukasus und Armeniens) 10 fascs (Leipzig, 

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum (Oxford) 

Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum (London) 

Comptes rendus de TAcademie des inscriptions et belles lettres (Paris) 
Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium (Paris, Louvain) 
Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (Vienna) 
Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 
(Phil. Hist. Klasse) (Vienna) 

East and West (Quarterly published by the Instituto Italiano per 
il Medio ed Estremo Orient) (Rome) 

Epigraphia Indica (Calcutta) 

Eos (Commentarii Societatis Philologae Polonorum) (Bratis- 

Etudes preliminaries aux religions orientales dans PEmpire 
romain (Leiden) 

Eranos (Acta Philologica Suecana) (Uppsala) 

Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics , ed. James Hastings, 1 3 vols 
(Edinburgh, 1908-21) 

Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten drei 
Jahrhunderte (Leipzig, Berlin) 

Georgica (a journal of Georgian and Caucasian studies) nos. 1-5 
(London, 1935-7) 

The Geographical Journal (London) 




































Gnomon (Kritische Zeitschrift fur die gesamte klassische 
Altertumswissenschaft) (Munich) 

Hellenica (receuil d’epigraphie de numismatique et d’antiquites 
grecques) (Paris) 

Historia (Journal of Ancient History) (Wiesbaden) 

Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (Cambridge, Mass.) 

Handbuch der Orientalistik , ed. B. Spuler (Leiden-Cologne) 
Harvard Oriental Series (Cambridge, Mass.) 

Iranica Antiqua (Leiden) 

Indo-Iranian Journal (The Hague) 

The Indian Antiquary , 62 vols (Bombay, 1872-1933) 

Ira«( journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies) (London- 

Iraq (journal of the British School of Archaeology in Iraq) 

Journal Asiatique (Paris) 

Journal of the American Oriental Society (New York) 

Journal ( and proceedings ) of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 

Journal of the Asiatic Society Bombay Branch (Bombay) 

Journal of the K. R. Cama Oriental Institute, 29 vols (Bombay, 
I 9 22- 3?) 

Journal of Cuneiform Studies (New Haven, Conn.) 

Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient (Leiden) 
Journal of Hellenic Studies (London) 

Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 

Journal of Near Eastern Studies (Chicago) 

Journal of the Numismatic Society of India (Bombay) 

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (London) 

The Journal of Roman Studies (London) 

Kairos (Zeitschrift fur Religionswissenschaft und Theologie) 

Klio (Beitrage zur Alten Geschichte) (Berlin) 

Kuml (Aarbog for Jysk Arkaeologisk Selskab) (Aarhus) 

Kratkie soobshcheniya 0 dokladakh i polevykh issledovaniyakh 
Instituta istorii ntaterialnoi kultury AN JTR (Moscow) 

Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprachforschung, begriindet von Adalbert 
Kuhn (Gottingen) 

Loeb Classical Library 

Memoires de la delegation archeologique frangaise en 
Afghanistan (Paris) 

Mesopotamia (Rivista di Archeologia, Faculta di Littere e 
filosofia) (University of Turin) 

The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin (old series 1905-42 ; new 
series 1942- ) (New York) 




Le Museon 


























Monuments et Memoires (publies par PAcademie des Inscriptions 
et Belles-lettres) (Fondation Eugene Piot, Paris) 

Le Museon (Revue d’fitudes Orientales) (Louvain-Paris) 
Museum (art magazine edited by the Tokyo National Museum) 

Numismatic Chronicle (London) 

Nachrichten von der Koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften 
%u Gottingen (Gottingen) 

Numismatica (Rome) 

Orientalische Literatur^eitung (Berlin-Leipzig) 

Oriens (journal of the International Society for Oriental 
Research) (Leiden) 

Orientalia (a quarterly published by the Faculty of Ancient 
Oriental Studies, Pontifical Biblical Institute) new series (Rome) 
Pauly, A. Real-Encyclopadie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 
(ed. G. Wissowa) (Stuttgart, 1894-) 

Proceedings of the British Academy (London) 

Philologus (Zeitschrift fur das klassische Altertum) (Stolberg, 
etc., now Berlin) 

Patrologia Orientals (ed. R. Gaffin and F. Nau) (Paris) 

Revue des arts asiatiques (Paris) 

Reallexicon fur Antike und Christentum (ed. T. Klauser) (Stutt- 
gart, 1950- ) 

Revue des etudes armeniennes , nouvelle seric (Paris) 

Religion (A Journal of Religion and Religions) (Newcastle upon 

Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart , 2nd ed., 6 vols (Tubingen, 
1927-32); 3rd ed., 7 vols (Tubingen, 1957-65) 

Revue de I’Histoire des Religions (Paris) 

Rivista Italiana di Numismatica e Scientf Affini (Milan) 

Revue Numismatique (Paris) 

Rivista degli Studi Orientali (Rome) 

Saeculum (Jahrbuch fur Universalgeschichte) (Freiburg- 

Sacred Books of the East (Oxford) 

Scriptorum Classicorum Bibliotheca Oxoniensis (Oxford) 
Semitica (Cahiers publies par Plnstitut d’fitudes Semitiques de 
PUniversite de Paris) (Paris) 

Sit^ungsherichte der heidelherger Akademie der Wissenschaften (Phil. 
Hist. Klasse) (Heidelberg) 

A Survey of Persian Art , ed. A. U. Pope and P. Ackerman, 
6 vols (Text pp. 1-2817) (Oxford-London-New York, 1938- 
39); repr. 12 vols (Tokyo, 1964-65); no vol. xiii ; vol. xiv New 
Studies 1938-1960 (Text pp. 2879-3205) (Oxford-London, 
3:967); vol. xv Bibliography of Pre-Islamic Persian Art to 1938 
(cols 1-340), Reprint of Index to Text Volumes I-III (i-vi) 



SPA ( cont .) 








T'oung Pao 









(pp. 1-63) (Ashiya, Japan, 1977); vol. xvi Bibliography of Islamic 
Persian Art to 19)8 (cols 341-854) (Ashiya, 1977); vol xvn 
New Studies 1960-197 9. In Memoriam Arthur Upham Pope , Part I 
Pre-Islamic Studies (pp. 3207-3717) (not yet published); vol. 
xvin New Studies 1960-1979 . . Part II Islamic Architecture 
(not yet published) ; vol. xix New Studies 1960-1979 . . . , Part III 
Islamic Art (not yet published). References are given to page 
numbers only. 

Sit^ungsherichte der Preussischen ( Deutschen ) Akademie der Wissen- 
schaften (Phil. Hist. Klasse) (Berlin) 

Studia Iranica (Leiden) 

Sumer (journal of archaeology and history in Iraq) (Baghdad) 
Sit^ungsherichte der Wiener ( Osterreicbischen ) Akademie der W is sen- 
schaften (Phil. Hist. Klasse) (Vienna) 

Syria (Revue d’art oriental et d’archeologie) (Paris) 

Trudi lu^hno-Turkmenistanskoi Archeologischeskoi Kimplexnoi 
Ekspeditsii , 6 vols (Moscow, 1949-58) 

Travaux et me moires (Centre de Recherche d’Histoire et Civili- 
zation de Byzance) (Paris) 

T’oung Pao (Archives concernant l’histoire, les langues, la 
geographic, Pethnographie et les arts de l’Asie orientale) 

Transactions of the Philological Society (London) 

Vestnik drevnei istorii (Moscow) 

Wissenschaftliche Verdjfentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesell- 
schaft (Leipzig) 

Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes (Vienna) 

Yale Classical Studies (New Haven, Conn.) 

Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie (Berlin) 

Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft (Wiesbaden) 
Zeitschrift fiir Numismatik (Berlin) 

The following frequently quoted works are given in an abbreviated form 
marked with an asterisk 

Christensen, A. LTran sous les Sassanides , 2nd ed. Copenhagen-Paris, 1944 
(Annales du Musee Guimet, Bibhotheque d’fitudes 48). 

Diakonoff, I. M. and Livshits, V. A. Dokumenty Nisy I v . do n.e . Predvari- 

telnye itogi rahoti (Documents from Nisa of the 1st century B.c. 
Preliminary summary of the work). Moscow, i960. 

“Parfianskoje tsarskoje choziajstvo v Nise”, VDI 1960.2, pp. 14-38. 

“Novye nakhodki dokumentov v staroi Nise” (New kinds of documents 
at old Nisa), in Perednea^iatskii Sbornik 11 (Near Eastern Symposium 
no. 11) (Moscow, 1966), pp. 135-57 (English summary, pp. 169-73). 

Parthian economic documents from Nisa, ed. by D. N. MacKenzie, Plates 1 
(London, 1976), Plates 11 (London, 1977), Texts 1, pp. 1-80 (Cllr, Part 11, 
Vol. 11). 



Firdausi. Shah-nama, Beroukhim edition, io vols. Tehran, 1313/193 4— 1315 / 
1936. Gives corresponding page numbers in the editions of Turner 
Macan (4 vols, Calcutta, 1829) and J. Mohl (text and French translation, 
7 vols, Paris, 1838-78). 

Moscow edition, 9 vols. 1963-71. 

MohPs French translation printed separately, 7 vols. Paris, 1876-8. 

English translation A. G. and E. Warner, 9 vols. London, 1905-25 
(Trubner’s Oriental Series). 

Abridged English translation R. Levy, The 'Epic of the Kings. London, 1967 
(Persian Heritage Series). 

Ghirshman, R. Iran. Parthians and Sassanians . London, 1962 (American 
edition is entitled Persian Art 249 B.C.-A.D. 6;i ). 

Henning, W. B. “Mitteliranisch”, in Iranistik 1, Linguistik (Leiden, 1958), 
pp. 20-130 (HO 1. iv. 1). 

Hill, G. F. Catalogue of the Greek coins of Arabia, Mesopotamia and Persia. 
London, 1922 (Catalogue of the Greek coins in the British Museum). 

Le Rider, G. Suse sous les Seleucides et les Parthes. Paris, 1965 (Memoires de la 
Misson archeologique en Iran 38). 

Maricq, A. “Classica et Orientalia 5, Res Gestae Divi Saporis”, Syria xxxv 
(r 9 5 8), pp. 295-360; reprinted with revisions in Classica et Orientalia , 
extrait de Syria 19 / j-62 (Paris, 1965), pp. 37-101 (Publication hors 
serie 11). 

Noldeke, T. (tr.) Tabari = Geschichte der Perser und Araber %ur Zeit der Sasaniden , 
aus der arabischen Chronik des Tabari. Leiden, 1879. 

West, E. W. Pahlavi texts, 5 vols. Oxford, 1880-97. Repr. Patna, 1965 (SBE 5, 

Wroth, W. W. The Catalogue of the coins of Parthia. London, 1903 (Catalogue 
of the Greek coins in the British Museum). 


i . Sources 

Classical authors : the relevant passages are mostly referred to in Bevan, The 
house of Seleucus (below). Greek inscriptions: a list can be found in L. Robert, 
“Encore une inscription grecque de ITran”, CRAI 1967, p. 281. For later 
discoveries see the yearly reports of J. and L. Robert in “Bulletin epi- 
graphique”, Revue des etudes grecques (Paris). 

Archaeological evidence : the latest, though already outdated survey is to 
be found in L. Vanden Berghe, Archeologie de Tlran ancien (Leiden, 1959), 
pp. 22 3 if. 

Bernard, P. (ed.). Fouilles de At Khanoum 1. Paris, 1973 (MDAFA 21). 

“Fouiless de Ai Khanoum”, CRAI 1974, pp. 270-312. 

Frumkin, G. Archaeology in Soviet Central Asia. Leiden, 1970 (HO vii.m. 1). 
Leriche, R. “Ai Khanoum”, Revue Archeologique (Paris, 1974), pp. 231- 



Staviskii, B. Y. “O datirovkie proiskhozhdenii ermitazhnol serebryanoi 
chashi ”, Soobshcheniya Gosudarstvennogo Ermitaqfa xvii (Leningrad, i960), 

PP- 67-7 !• 

Kara-Tepe , buddiiskil peshchernyi monastyr v starom Terme^e, 3 vols. Moscow, 

Terenozhkin, A. D. “ Arkheologicheskaya razvedka na gorodishche Afrasiab 
v 1945 g.”, KSIIMK xvii (1947), pp. 116-21. 

“Sogd i Chach”, KSIIMK xxxiii (1950), pp. 152-69. 

Trever, C. Terra cottas from Afrasiab . Moscow-Leningrad, 1934. 

Pamyatniki greko-baktriiskogo iskusstva . Moscow-Leningrad, 1 940. 
Yakubovskii, A. Y. et aL Zhivopis drevnego Pyand^hikenta . Moscow, 1954. 

CHAPTERS 31 AND }2.(b) 

(a) Parthian writing in Parthian script 

(For Partian inscriptions with a Middle Persian version see the bibliography 

for Pahlavi inscriptions) 

Bivar, A. D. H. “A Parthian amulet”, BSOAS xxx (1967), pp. 512-25. 

Bivar, A. D. H. and Shaked, S. “The inscriptions of Shlmbar”, BSOAS 
xxvii (1964), pp. 265-90. 

Chaumont, M.-L. “Les ostraca de Nisa”, JA 1968, pp. 1 1—3 5 . 

Cowley, A. “Pahlavi documents from Avroman”, JR AS 1919, pp. 147- 
54 - 

Diakonoff, I. M. and Livshits, V. A., “Parfyanskiy arxiv ix drevney Nisy”, 
VDI 1953.4, pp. 1 14-30 (German translation in Sowjetwissenschaft , 1954, 
PP- 5 57-77)- 

“Parfyanskiy arxiv iz yoznogo Turkmenistana”, Papers presented by the 
Soviet delegation at the XXIII International Congress of Orientalists (Moscow, 
1:954), pp. 81-93 (in Russian); pp. 94-107 (in English). 

“O jazyke dokumentov drevney Nisy”, VDI 1956.4, pp. 100-13. 

Dokumenty i% Nisy I v. do n.e. Moscow, i960. 

“Novye naxodki dokumentov v staroi Nisa”, Perednea^iatskii Sbornik 11 
(Moscow, i960), pp. 135-57 (English summary, pp. 169-73). 

Parthian economic documents from Nisa , ed. by D. N. MacKenzie, Plates 1. 
London, 1976 ( Cllr Part 11, Vol. 11). 

Edmonds, C. J. “The place-names of the Avroman parchments”, BSOAS 
xiv (1952), pp. 478-82. 

Frye, R. N. “Notes on the early Sassanian state and church”, Studi orientalistici 
in onore di Giorgio Levi Della Vida 1 (Rome, 1956), pp. 316-55. 

“Remarks on Paikuli and Sar-Mashad”, HJAS xx (1957), pp. 702-8. 

The Parthian and Middle Persian Inscriptions of Dura-Europos. London, 1968 
(C//r, Part hi, Vol. hi, Portfolio 1; with introduction and index). 

Frye, R. N., Gilliam, J. E., Ingholt, H. and Welles, C. B. “Inscriptions from 
Dura-Europos”, YCS xiv (1955), pp. 127-21 3. 



Geiger, B. “The Middle Iranian texts” in The Excavations at Dura-Europos , 
Final Report vm, Part i. The Synagogue , by C. H. Kraeling (New Haven, 
i 956), pp. 283#., and especially 314-17. 

Ghirshman, R. “Un bas-relief d’Artaban V avec inscription en pehlvi 
arsacide”, MMP xliv (1950), pp. 97-107. 

Iran: From the earliest times to the Islamic conquest . Harmondsworth, 1954 
(Pelican Archaeology Series). 

Gropp, G. “Die sasanidische Inschrift von Mishkinshahr in Azarbaidjan”, 
AMI 1 (Berlin, 1968), pp. 149-58. 

Harmatta, J. “The Parthian parchment from Dura-Europos”, AAntASH v 
(1957). pp- 261-308. 

“Die parthischen Ostraka aus Dura-Europos”, AAntASH vi (1958), 
pp. 87-175. 

Henning, W. B. “The monuments and inscriptions of Tang-i Sarvak”, Asia 
Major 11 (1952), pp. 151-78 [inscriptions of the Parthian period but not 
in Parthian]. 

“A new Parthian inscription”, JR AS 1953, pp. 132-6. 

Review of F. Altheim and R. Stiehl, Asien und Rom , Das erste Auftreten der 
Hunnen , in Gnomon xxvi (1954), pp. 476-90. 


“Three Iranian Fragments” in Welles, Parchments , pp. 414-17 (see page 


“A Farewell to the Khagan of the Aq- Aqataran ”, BSOAS xiv (1952), 
pp. 501-22. 

Herzfeld, E. Am Tor von Asien . Berlin, 1920. 

The archaeological history of Iran . London, 1935 (The Schweich lectures 
of the British Academy, 1934). 

Paikuli: Monument and inscription of the early history of the Sasanian empire , 
2 vols. Berlin, 1924 (Forschungen zur Islamischen Kunst 3). 

*Hill, BMC Arabia. 

Hinz, W. “ Zwei neuentdeckte parthische Felsreliefs ”, I A m (1963), pp. 169- 
73 [Parthian period but in Aramaic]. 

Altiranische Funde und Forschungen , mit Beitragen von R. Borger und G. 
Gropp. Berlin, 1969. 

Minns, E. H. “Parchments of the Parthian period from Avroman in 
Kurdistan”, JHS xxv (1915), pp. 22-65. 

Nyberg, H. S. “The Pahlavi documents from Avroman”, Le Monde Oriental 
xvii (Paris, 1923), pp. 182-230. 

Rida’!, J. and Kiya, S. “Guzaris-i nivisteha va paikarha-yi Kal-i Jangal”, 
Ira-Kude x iv. Tehran, 1952. 

Sznycer, M. “Ostraca d’epoque parthe trouves a Nisa”, Semitica v (1955), 
pp. 65-98. 

“Nouveaux Ostraca de Nisa”, Semitica xii (1962), pp. 105-26. 

Vinnikov, I. N. “O yazyke pis c mennyx pamyatnikov iz Nisy”, VDI 1954.2, 
pp. 115-28. 

*Wroth, BMC Parthia . 


CHAPTERS 31 AND 32 (b) 

(b) Oral literature , surviving through the writings of later times 

Ayadgar i Zareran\ see bibliography to Chapter 32 (a), p. 1388. 

Benveniste, E. “ Le texte du Draxt Asurlk et la versification pehlevie ”, JA 

I 93 ° PP- I 93 _22 5 - 

“Le memorial de Zarer, poeme pehlevi mazdeen”, JA 1932, pp. 245-93. 

Boyce, M. “ Some remarks on the transmission of the Kayanian heroic cycle”, 
in Serta Cantabrigiensia . Studies presented to the XXIII International 
Congress of Orientalists (Mainz, 1954), pp. 45-52. 

“Zariadres and Zarer”, BSOAS xvn (1955), pp. 463-77. 

“ The Parthian^j-Jtf and Iranian minstrel tradition ”, JR AS 1957, pp. 1 0-45 . 

“Middle Persian Literature”, in Iranistik 11, Liter atur 1 (Leiden, 1968), 
pp. 3 1-66 (HO 1 . iv . 2 . 1). 

Christensen, A. Les Kayanides. Copenhagen, 1932 (Det Kgl. Danske Viden- 
skabernes Selskab, Hist.-fil. Meddelelser xix.2). 

Les gestes des rois dans les traditions de l 7 Iran antique . Paris, 1936 (Conferences 
Ratanbai Katrak hi). 

Coyajee, J. C. “The house of Gotarzes; a chapter of Parthian history in the 
Shahnameh”, JASB xxvm (1932), pp. 207-24. 

Draxt i Asurlg; see bibliography to Chapter 32(0), p. 1389. 

GurganI, Fakhr al-Dln. Vis u Ramin , ed. M. J. Mahjub. Tehran, 1959. Ed. 
M. Minovi, Tehran, 1935. Tr. G. Morrison, New York, 1972. 

Henning, W. B. “The disintegration of the Avestic studies”, TPS 1942, 
pp. 40-56. 

“A Pahlavi poem”, BSOAS xm (1950), pp. 641-8. 

Herzfeld, E. “Die iranische Heldensage”, AMI iv (193 1-2), pp. 1 13-15. 

Marquart, J. “Beitrage zur Geschichte und Sage von Eran”, ZDMG xlix 

_( i8 95 ), PP- 628-72. 

ErdnJfahr nach der Geographic des Ps. Moses Xorenac c i. Berlin, 1901 (AGWG, 
n.f. in, no. 2). 

“Iberer und Hyrkaner”, Caucasica vm (1931), pp. 78-113. 

Masse, H. Le roman de Wls et Ramin , traductions de textes persans. Paris, 
I 95 9 - 

Minorsky, V. “Vis u Ramin, a Parthian romance (I)”, BSOAS xi (1946), 
pp. 741-63 ; “(II) ”, BSOAS xii (1947), pp. 20-3 5 ; “(III) ”, BSOAS xvi 
(1954), pp. 91-2. Revised version in Iranica : Twenty Articles (Tehran, 
1964), pp. 151-99 (University of Tehran Publications 775). 

Mole, M. “‘Vis u Ramin’ et l’histoire seldjoukide”, AION n.s. ix (1959), 
PP- I_ 3 °- 

NavabI, M. Man^uma-yi Draxt-i Asurig. Tehran, 1967 (Iranian Culture 
Foundation Publications 25). 

Noldeke, T. Persische Studien 11. Vienna, 1892. 

Das iranische Nationalepos, 2te Auflage. Berlin-Leipzig, 1920. 

Pagliaro, A. II testo pahlavico Ayatkar-i Zarer an. Rome, 1925 (Reale Accademia 
Nazionale dei Lincei, Estratto dai Rendiconti della Classe di Scienze 
morali e filologiche vi. 1, fasc. 7-8). 



Rawlinson, H. “Notes on a march from Zohab at the foot of Zagros. . .in 
the year 1836”, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society ix (London, 1839), 
pp. 114-6. 

Sims-Williams, N. “The Sogdian fragments of the British Library”, IIJ 
xvm (1976), pp. 43-74. 

Spiegel, F. Eranische Alterthumskunde 1. Leipzig, 1871. 

“Awesta und Shahname”, ZDMG xlv (1891), pp. 187-203. 

Tafazzoli, A. “Do va^e-yi parti az Draxt Asurig va barabar-i anha dar farsl”, 
Universite de Tehran . Revue de la Faculte des Lettres xiv.2 (1966), pp. 1- 

Wardrop, O. Visramiani , The story of the loves of Vis and Ramin , a romance of 
ancient Persia , translated from the Georgian version . London, 1914 (Oriental 
Translation Fund, n.s. 23). 

Yarshater, E. “Rustam dar zaban-i Sughdl”, Mihr viii. 7 (1952), pp. 406-11. 
(c) (( The Hymn of the Pearl ” 

Adam, A. Die Psalmen des Thomas und das Perlenlied als Zeugnisse vorchristlicher 
Gnosis . Berlin, 1959 (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche 
Wissenschaft 24). 

Bevan, A. A. “The Hymn of the Soul, contained in the Syriac Acts of 
St. Thomas”, in J. A. Robinson (ed.), Texts and Studies v. 3. Cambridge 

i 8 97 . 

Bornkamm, G. “The Acts of Thomas” in E. Hennecke (ed.), Neutestament- 
liche Apokryphen 11, 3rd., ed. W. Schneemelcher (Tubingen, 1964), 
pp. 297-372; published in English as New Testament Apocrypha 11, ed. 
R. McL. Wilson (London, 1965), pp. 425-531. 

Crum, W. E. ‘Coptic Analecta’, Journal of Theological Studies xliv (London- 
Oxford, 1943), pp. 176-82. 

Drower, E. S. “Hibil-Ziwa and the Parthian prince”, JRAS 1954, pp. 1 5 2-6. 

Gershevitch, I. “A Parthian title in the Hymn of the Soul”, JRAS 1954, 
pp. 124-6. 

Henning, W. B. “The Murder of the Magi”, JRAS 1944, p. 139, n. 6 (note 
on srbwg in the “Hymn of the Pearl”); and apud Gershevitch, op. cit. y 
p. 124, n. 1. 

Hoffmann, G “Zwei Hymnen der Thomasakten”, Zeitschrift fur die 
neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der alteren Kirche iv (Giessen, 

1903). pp- *93 ff- 

James, M. R. The apocryphal New Testament (London, 1924; repr. 1955), 
pp. 41 iff. 

Jonas, H. The Bible in modem scholarship (New York, 1965), pp. 279-86. 

Klijn, A. F. J. “The so-called Hymn of the Pearl”, Vigilae Christianae xiv 
(Amsterdam, i960), pp. 154-64. 

The Acts of Thomas (Leiden, 1962), pp. 65-154. 

Quispel, G. “Das Lied von der Perle”, Eranos Jahrbuch ip6j xxxiv (Zurich, 
i 9 6 6), pp. 1-32. 

Makarius , das Thomasevangelium und das Lied von der Perle. Leiden, 1967. 


CHAPTERS 31 AND }l(b) 

Reitzenstein, R. Das iranische Erlosungsmysterium (Bonn, 1921), pp. 70#. 

Widengren, G. “Der iranische Hintergrund der Gnosis’’, Zeitschrift fur 
Religions- und Geistesgeschichte iv (Leiden-Heidelberg, 1952), pp. 97- 
II4 « 

Iranische-semitische Kulturbegegnung in parthischer Zeit . Cologne, i960. 

The Great Vohu Manah and the Apostle of God: Studies in Iranian and 
Manichaean Religion. Uppsala, 1945. 

Mesopotamian Elements in Manichaeism : Studies in Manichaean , Mandaean and 
Syrian-Gnostic Religion. Uppsala, 1946. 

(d) Parthian Manichaean literature 

Andreas, F. C. and Henning, W. B. “ Mitteliranische Manichaica aus 
Chinesisch-Turkestan 111”, SPAW 1934. 27, pp. 848-912. 

Boyce, M. “Sadwes and Pesos”, BSOAS xiii (1951), pp. 908-15. 

“Some Parthian abecedarian hymns”, BSOAS xiv (1952), pp. 435-50. 

The Manichaean hymn-cycles in Parthian. Oxford, 1954 (London Oriental 
Series 3); for some additions and corrections see Mitteilungen des Instituts 
fur Orientforschung iv.2 (Berlin, 1956), pp. 314-22. 

A catalogue of the Iranian Manuscripts in Manichaean script in the German Turf an 
collection. Berlin, i960 (Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu 
Berlin, Institut fur Orientforschung 45). 

“On Mithra in the Manichaean pantheon”, in W. B. Henning and E. 
Yarshater (eds), A Locust’s Leg: Studies in honour of S. H. Taqi^adeh 
(London, 1962), pp. 44-54. 

“The Manichaean Literature in Middle Iranian”, in Iranistik 11, Literatur 1 
(Leiden, 1968), pp. 67-76 (HO 1.IV.2. 1). 

A Reader in Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian. Tehran-Liege, 1975 
(Acta Iranica 9). 

Colpe, C. Die religionsgeschichtliche Schule (Gottingen, 1961), pp. 69-100 (“Die 
parthischen Glied-hy mnen ’ ’) . 

Henning, W. B., “Geburt und Entsendung des manichaischen Urmenschen”, 
NGWG 1933, pp. 306-18. 

“Ein manichaisches Bet- und Beichtbuch”, APAW 1936.10. 

“Neue Materialen zur Geschichte des Manichaismus ”, ZDMG xc (1936), 
pp. 1-18. 

“The Book of the Giants”, BSOAS xi (1943), pp. 52-74. 

“Two Manichaean magical texts”, BSOAS xn (1947), pp. 39-66. 

“A grain of mustard”, AION s.l. vi (1965), pp. 29-47. 

Machabey, A. “ La cantillation manicheenne ”, La revue musicale ccvn (Paris, 
I 95 5 ) > PP- 5-20. 

Muller, F. W. K. “ Handschriften-Reste in Estrangelo-Schrift aus Turfan, 
Chinesisch-Turkistan II”, APAW 1904. 2, pp. 1-117. 

“ Ein Doppelblatt aus einem manichaischen Hymnenbuch (Mahrnamag) ”, 
APAW 1912.5. 

Puech, H. C. “Musique et hymnologie manicheennes ”, JL’ Encyclopedic des 
musiques sacrees (Paris, 1968), pp. 354-86. 



Salemann, C. Manichaeische Studien i. St. Petersburg, 1908 (Memoires de 
l’Academie imperiale des sciences de St.-Petersbourg, vm e serie, vol. 
vm, no. 10). 

“Manichaica IV”, Bulletin de T Ac ademie imperiale des sciences de St.-Peters- 
bourg vi e serie, vol. vi (1912), pp. 33-50. 

Sundermann, W. “Christliche Evangelientexte in der Oberlieferung der 
iranisch-manichaischen Literatur”, Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Orient - 
forschung xiv . 3 (Berlin, 1968), pp. 386-405. 

“Zur friihen missionarischen Wirksamkeit Manis”, AOH xxiv (1971), 
pp. 79" I2 5- 

“Weiteres zur friihen missionarischen Wirksamkeit Manis”, ibid ., 
pp. 371-9. 

Mittelpersische und parthische kosmogonische und Parabeltexte der Manichaer . 
Berlin, 1973 (Schriften zur Ge&chichte und Kultur des alten Orients 8. 
Berliner Turfantexte 4). 

“Iranische Lebensbeschreibungen Manis”, AO xxxvi (1974), pp. 125-49. 

Waldschmidt, E. and Lentz, W. “Manichaeische Dogmatik aus chinesischen 
und iranischen Texten”, SPAW 1933, pp. 480-607. 

chapter 32(0) 

The footnotes to this chapter were written by P. Gignoux and the biblio- 
graphy is based on a rough draft supplied by him. 

1. General studies 

Boyce, M. “Middle Persian Literature” in Iranistik 11, Liter atur 1 (Leiden, 
1968), pp. 31-66 (HO 1. iv. 2.1); with full bibliography up to date. 

de Menasce, J. “Dix ans d’etudes pehlevies: publication de textes”. Stir 1 

0972), pp- 133-9* 

Pagliaro, A. “La civilta sasanidica e i suoi riflesi in Occidente”, in La Persia 
nel Medioevo (Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Rome, 1971), pp. 19-35. 

Tavadia, J. C. Die mittelpersisehe Sprache und Liter atur der Zarathustrier , ed. 
H. Junker. Leipzig, 1956 (with full bibliography up to date; the work 
is posthumous and the editing could have been more careful). 

West, E. W. “Pahlavi literature” in Grundriss der iranischen Phi logie (Strass- 
burg, 1896-1904), vol. 11, pp. 75-129. (Most of the important texts were 
then still unpublished, but West had access to all the MSS, on which 
he gives full details). 

2. Collections of texts 

Antia, E. K. (ed.) Pa^and Texts. Bombay, 1909. 

Codices Avestici et Pahlavici bibliothecae universitatis Hafniensis , ed. A. Christensen, 
12 vols. Copenhagen, 1931-44. 

Jamasp-Asana, J. M. (ed.) Pahlavi Texts contained in the codex MK , pt. 1 
(pp. 1-48), Bombay, 1897; pt. 11 (pp. 49-170), Bombay, 1913. 

Nyberg, H. S. A Manual of Pahlavi, 2 vols. Wiesbaden, 1964-74. 

English translations : * West, Pahlavi Texts.